5. Seniors and intergenerational programs
- 5.1 Seniors in the family
- 5.2 Seniors' participation in the community
- 5.3 Seniors and intergenerational—conclusions
In an ageing society, the presence of older people may provide a source of enhanced social capital (Gallagher 1994; Millward 1998). In this sense, social capital may take two forms: (i) the wealth of experience of seniors made available to the community if given appropriate outlets; and (ii) the time seniors have available for active participation in the community. However, there are very few evaluated programs that draw on the contributions made by this growing section of society. (Indeed, the emphasis in policy and research has tended to be on the needs of older people as recipients of care.) Some exceptions are to be found in United States' (US) evidence that both types of programs that make use of the experience and time of seniors within an explicitly intergenerational framework may constitute a useful part of a community building strategy (Morrow-Kondos et al. 1997).
The economic benefit of unpaid grandparental contributions in families and associated community participation has been estimated as at least US$17 billion (Bass & Caro 1996). There is also empirical evidence that a similar pattern exists in Australia, with seniors identified as a major source of non-parental child care and of voluntary community effort (Encel 1997, p. 148). Using known figures of the numbers of older people in national populations, and allowing for demographic differences such as mobility over time, it may be extrapolated that grandparents contribute the equivalent of $1.75 billion to Australian society. Beyond the strictly economic factors, there is also evidence that positive grandparental involvement strengthens families and so contributes to the strengthening of communities (Freedman, 1997).
5.1 Seniors in the family
Supporting Grandmothers—Atlanta, and Warm-Line—Oakland
Programs that support the role of older people as carers in families have two components. First, they may be targeted towards grandparents acting as surrogate carers in place of 'foster parents'. A search of international databases from 1986 to 1999 inclusive identified 22 references to published findings and reports concerning grandparents providing primary care for grandchildren. Of these 22 references, only two evaluate specific projects—Minkler et al. (1993), and Grant et al. (1997). Both these studies are from the US.
Minkler et al. (1993) provide a summative evaluation of 124 programs in 25 large urban areas across the US (p. 808). The 124 programs were identified from an extensive trawl of all available data and represent as complete a picture of the US as possible at the time of their survey.
The programs are sub-divided into five types:
a. groups providing emotional and informational support only;
b. support plus another service (one-to-one counselling the most common);
c. information and referral services;
d. coalitions (citizen advocacy organisations); and
e. comprehensive programs of professional services (including 'special groups').
Minkler et al. discuss two examples in detail. Both are chosen from the 24 examples that constituted their category 'e' (p. 810). The first is a program in Atlanta providing educational, emotional and social counselling services for grandmothers, at a cost of US$110 000 over two years (number of families not stated). This program particularly served low-income families. The second is a 'warm-line' in Oakland (California), which provided information and brief counselling by telephone to 750 different callers (on over 1 000 calls) over six months, at a cost of US$18 000. This service helped 750 grandparent carers to cope with the task of caring for grandchildren, especially in the early stages of assuming care-giving responsibilities. In addition to the phone line, it also started localised support groups, a peer training program and a directory of local services. The service cost an equivalent of $37 per family (per year pro rata).
Using the Australian estimate of minimum costs per year of formal intervention per family of $2 215 (Stubbs & Storer 1996), it would have broken even if only 13 (1.7 per cent) of these families would have otherwise required formal intervention. Estimates from Australian and British research suggests that 25 per cent out-of-home placements with foster parent(s) break down in the first year of placement. This rises to between 40 per cent and 50 per cent after three years of placement, so that the figure could be expected to be much higher (Triseliotis 1993, p. 16; Fernandez 1996, p. 155; Sellick 1996, p. 168) Future cost-benefits would then accumulate proportionate to other factors associated with family breakdown (truancy, crime, loss of employment opportunities and so on) which can be ten times the minimum.
Minkler et al. (1993) also note that 80 per cent, or 99 of projects were unfunded. Although some were highly successful, the lack of funding was widely seen as a problem because it meant programs were short-term or limited in their benefits (often not continuing because of the strain on volunteers). Of the 25 funded projects, ten did not provide figures, and the remainder had an estimated median average cost of US$40 000.
Manhattan — school-based health and social support
Grant et al. (1997) evaluate a school-based program to support grandparent care givers in New York. The program consisted of a full-time social worker plus targeted access to health and 'fostering stipends' that matched non-relative care giving. Key features of the program are:
- psycho-social support;
- medical and health care (for children and older carers);
- social security (including the fostering stipend); and
- legal support (pro bono legal service).
The costs to public services of these elements of grandparents acting as surrogate carers are usually no different to the costs of supporting non-relative foster carers. In some instances grandparents may provide additional input, or not collect some material benefits (because they consider this to be part of their family life). However, in most instances the older people involved need to access material supports because they are on relatively low incomes.
One of the barriers to grandparents fostering in the US has been identified as the jeopardy to social security income from fostering payments (Flint & Perez-Porter 1997, p. 70). Likewise, housing entitlements may be affected, although in most areas discrimination against households with children is not legal—an exception to this is in housing that is contractually designated for occupancy by seniors (usually defined as aged over 55). Thus there is no obvious financial gain from using grandparents as foster carers. The benefits are that care is provided within the family network and this may strengthen links with the absent parent. Half of the surrogate grandparent carers surveyed by Flint and Perez-Porter took on the role with a view to handing primary care giving back to their grandchild's parent(s) or of sharing the care. New York State has a statutory requirement that a child must be placed with a relative in preference to strangers, and there are additional payments to support such arrangements (over and above those provided in other fostering placements). However, there are limitations on the authority of the grandparent as a foster carer that do not apply in other circumstances, and not all grandparents caring for grandchildren may apply for the scheme—the child or children must be placed by a statutory agency (Flint & Perez-Porter 1997, p. 66).
Grandparenting Success (skills education)—Arizona
Second, in addition to direct care giving, seniors may support parenting by younger adult relatives (d'Abbs 1991; Gallagher 1994). Although the literature increasingly makes reference to the importance of this phenomenon, the specific programs that are described are restricted to those that are intended to enhance grandparent-grandchild relationships. These are sometimes referred to as enhancing 'grandparenting success' (Strom et al. 1990; Strom & Strom 1993).
With their colleagues, Strom and Strom have evaluated short-term focused programs to provide grandparenting skills' development classes. These programs consist of 12-weekly classes in understanding the lives of grandchildren and improving intergenerational communication on the part of the older person. Family members, preferably grandchildren, were used as evaluators, and the outcomes of the quasi-experimental tests were that significant improvement was gained, where improvement was defined in terms of a measure of satisfaction in the relationship expressed by both grandparents and grandchildren. Anecdotally, the value of such an approach for families is supported by the observations of eminent British gerontologist Jefferys (1997, pp. 82-6). The costs of the educational programs are not stated, but these can be estimated from the unit costs of interpersonal skills' development courses in higher education as $5 000 for start-up and $4 500 for delivery per group of 12 participants (current Australian values).
Grandparent volunteers in schools—Arizona
Another dimension of active grandparenting is evidenced by a program to encourage grandparents to act as volunteers in schools in Tempe (Arizona). The need for this type of program was identified because of the falling numbers of parents (usually mothers) who had played such a role over a long period of time. Strom and Strom (1994) describe the program and concluded that it met the requirements of educational benefit for children and also for the volunteer grandparents, while also enhancing intergenerational family relationships. Costs are not described, although the educational input for the grandparents (that was intended to support their volunteer activity) is very similar to the program discussed above. Such a program provides a bridge to the wider community participation of older people.
5.2 Seniors' participation in the community
As noted above, outside the immediate family seniors also constitute a major source of community effort. This can be seen in a diverse range of types of activity — for example in service-providing organisations, cultural and religious groups, sporting organisations and political groups (Gallagher 1994; Freedman 1997). However, as Freedman notes (p. 253) almost all program models are small, scattered and lack infrastructure.
Across Ages/Linking Lifetimes
An extension of the grandparenting role that has gradually developed is that of older volunteers acting as mentors to young people who are at risk. Rogers and Taylor (1997) provide an overview based on evaluations of American projects aimed to achieve these outcomes, with specific mention of Across Age' and Linking Lifetimes (also see Taylor & Dryfoos 1999). This overview aggregates evaluated outcomes and provides indicative data on a range of programs. Three aspects are notable. These are the roles of seniors as mentors, implementation issues and outcomes.
The roles of senior in mentoring schemes are summarised as 'companion…social supporter…teacher…role model…challenger…[and] resource supporter' (Rogers & Taylor 1997, p. 128). It was emphasised that 'telling the young person what to do' was a negative approach in the mentoring role, while positive evaluations by young people included the idea of 'fun' even if interactions had a very serious life-skills' development component. To create and sustain these roles, the organisation and implementation of schemes required the training and support of volunteer mentors. This was achieved by employing case managers (at least 50 per cent position for 10 to 20 pairs of mentors and young people). This case manager's role was both administrative and person focused. The outcomes of the schemes were that at-risk young people who were provided with mentoring improved in confidence, had good school or college attendance, reduced drug use and coped better with stress and anxiety (Rogers & Taylor 1997, p. 138). Comparable programs in Australia, such as the Seniors Helping at Risk Kids project in Western Australia, are yet to be evaluated.
Foster grandparents—National Senior Service Corps
The National Senior Service Corps (NSSC) in the US supports a foster grandparent program that brings together seniors with families in need of practical assistance and support (Senior Corps 2000a). The seniors are not related to the children or their parent(s), nor do the children live with the seniors. However, the support provided supplements parenting through child care, mentoring, and emotional support. Seniors are recruited and they are supported by paid and voluntary staff. The explicit goals of the program include '[to] strengthen communities by providing youth services…and by building bridges across generations' (Senior Corps, 2000a, p. 1).
The program had 25 300 active volunteers nationally in 1997, serving 175 500 children through 23.8 million hours of service (a mean average of approximately 18 hours per week per volunteer). Most (90 per cent) of the volunteers were women, with an approximate division between white Americans at 48 per cent and all other ethnic groups (including Black, Hispanic, Asian and Native Americans) together comprising 52 per cent. Fifty-one per cent of the senior volunteers were aged between 70 and 79 years, with a further 31 per cent aged between 60 and 69 years and the remaining 18 per cent aged 80 years and over. Of the children, 44 per cent were aged under five years, a further 40 per cent aged between six and 12 years and the remaining 16 per cent aged 13 years and over. The funding for the program was nearly US$109 million of which nearly US$77 million (71 per cent) came from Federal Project Grants Allocation. The mean average per volunteer was US$4 305 or US$621 per child assisted. The main gains for seniors are that they can share their life skills and experience through mentoring younger people (Wofford 1999). In Australian dollars, the per client cost is $955, which compares with Stubbs and Storer's (1996) estimate of direct costs of family stress of $2 215 per family.
This type of program therefore might be expected to show a minimum cost-benefit ratio of 1 to 2.32 and so could usefully be investigated. Further costs might be saved in terms of future benefits in improved life opportunities and reduced social problems as the children grow older. A comparison can be made between Stubbs and Storer's (1996) estimate of $27 375 as the annual cost of an individual child in detention and Gittell and Vidal's (1998, p. 20) estimate of benefits in very significantly increased individual income arising from developing extended community networks.
Neighbourhoods 2000/Downtown 2000
A different approach to the use of older volunteers working with younger people is seen in the Neighbourhoods 2000 project in New York and Downtown 2000 project in Honolulu, reported by Kaplan (1997). As a community building exercise, the project developed and implemented shared educational programs for high-school students and seniors. Using a focus-group technique, seniors and young people were brought together to design activities such as photographic community surveys, reminiscence workshops and autobiographical walking tours. The content of the plans focused on 'problems, resources and local improvement strategies' for each neighbourhood.
The project was evaluated by the participants on a qualitative basis, with gains reported in improved intergenerational links; understanding and solidarity (p. 216, p. 218); the development of a greater sense of 'community responsibility' on the part of the younger people (p. 220); and an increase in a 'sense of cultural continuity' (p. 224). The costs of the project were limited to incidental expenses, as most of the work was done by college students as practicum and their lecturers. In this case the cost-benefits are at least 1 to 2.2 (assuming program costs of $1 000 and only one child welfare notification prevented, costed on the figures in Stubbs & Storer 1996).
Senior Companions—National Senior Service Corps
Of course, seniors do more than volunteer to help young people. They also form a large part of the total number of volunteers—a finding sustained in all English-speaking countries (Chappell & Prince 1997; David & Patterson, 1997; Greely 1997; Warburton et al. 1998). This research demonstrates that community input by seniors is more likely than input by younger people to arise from a sense of social value and belonging and to take the form of service to others. Some US research shows a positive correlation with religious practice (Greely 1997), and in all countries volunteering among older people is positively correlated with higher than average levels of formal education. However, there is also a potential for greater levels of volunteering among retired people that remains untapped. Caro and Bass (1997) identify the two years immediately following retirement as the time of life when receptivity to volunteering is high. This suggests that policy and practice should focus on those about to, or who have just retired from the workforce and be focused on those groups that do not already show high levels of volunteering. Yet there are relatively few programs specifically to recruit seniors as volunteers, and even fewer evaluations of programs, despite the widespread rhetoric about the value of seniors as an element of strength in communities.
One major seniors' volunteer program that has been evaluated is the NSSC Senior Companions Program. This program facilitates senior volunteers to assist adults who require support. The areas of need are usually relate to health or other social and personal needs. The tasks include simple chores, shopping, providing transport and social contact. The formal objectives are for seniors to '…provide the essential services that enable frail older Americans to continue to live in their own homes' (Senior Corps, 2000b, p. 1). The volunteers may also provide in-home support as live-in carers for short periods.
In 1997, the program had 13 900 active volunteers nationally who served 48 900 clients through 11.8 million hours of service (a mean average of approximately 16 hours per week per volunteer). As with the Foster Grandparent program, the majority of the volunteers in the Senior Companions Program were women, although the exact proportion was slightly reduced at 85 per cent. Again, similar to the previous program, approximately 50 per cent were white Americans and 50 per cent all other ethnic groupings (including Black, Hispanic, Asian and Native Americans). Also, very similarly, 51 per cent of the senior volunteers were aged between 70 and 79 years; however a slightly large proportion (35 per cent) was aged between 60 and 69 years and the remaining 14 per cent aged 80 years and over. Of the clients, 14 per cent were aged under 65 years, 24 per cent were aged between 65 and 74 years, 36 per cent were aged between 75 and 84 years and the remaining 26 per cent were aged 85 years and over. The funding for the program was nearly US$51 million of which just over US$31 million (61 per cent) came from Federal Project Grants Allocation. This constitutes an annual mean average of US$3 622 per volunteer or US$1 041 per client.
At present, it is difficult to determine a direct Australian comparison, as there is no single organising body. Some similarities are to be found in community groups, including seniors' clubs, churches and service organisations, but, as noted above, their activities are fragmented.
However, Australian seniors constitute a major element of health provision through the volunteer drivers' scheme in which retired people provide transport to and from medical services, especially outpatient clinics, for people who are frail, have a disability or have a social need for assistance. The amount that this voluntary work would otherwise cost has not been estimated, but some cost-benefits of voluntary work provided by seniors for seniors may be calculated. The current costs of a Community Care Package in Australia is approximately $8 410 (mean average per place), although there is a shortfall of daily living needs assistance like that provided by the US Senior Companions Program (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 1999, p. 176). Such a program in Australia therefore might be expected to contribute an effective addition to overall provision at a cost of approximately 20 per cent of the equivalent in additional formal services. This does not include the benefits to senior volunteers of maintaining active engagement with the community which may be expected to increase the cost-benefit.
Environmental Alliance for Seniors Involvement
On a larger community scale, the American Association of Retired Persons reached an agreement in 1991 with the US Environmental Protection Agency to organise seniors as volunteers in environmental development projects (EASI, 2000). In less than a decade the Environmental Alliance for Senior Involvement (EASI) has grown from 26 to over 10 000 seniors and links with 12 000 local organisations, with funding from a combination of federal and state governments and private sector organisations (including charitable donation). The budget has increased from US$10 000 in 1991 to US$2.3 million in 1999. This represents a shift from a mean average of US$385 per volunteer to US$230 per volunteer, while at the same time achieving a major increase in projects supported and positive environmental impact promoted. The projects include direct work, such as clearing degraded land, revitalising development areas, planting community gardens and working as 'teachers' and mentors to young people.
5.3 Seniors and intergenerational—conclusions
The conclusions that may be drawn from this evidence are that programs to facilitate seniors contributing voluntary effort in the community are most effective when they receive infrastructure funding and when they are organised or coordinated. The levels of funding required are low in comparison to the costs of professional services, but the work that can be performed is of a different nature. However, there are benefits arising from the voluntary work of seniors that augments professional effort. These are to be found in social and community integration; support for children and families; youth and community projects that would otherwise not be available; and there are the positive gains for seniors themselves from having an active and valued role. Some programs described here have quantifiable cost-benefits in the short term, while all have predictable longer-term cost-benefits (although these are less easy to quantify). However, it is clear that these longer-term benefits are key elements of stronger communities and the development of social capital.
| Program/ Project Title | Program/ Project Description1 | Target Community/ Group2 | Funding sources Project Costs3 | Outcomes4 | Evaluation5 | Contact Details |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Supporting Grandmothers |
Atlanta, Georgia (US) Counselling to provide support for grandmothers to provide continuous family-based care for grandchildren. On-going. |
Grandmothers caring for grandchildren — predominantly children from low income and ethnic minority families. |
Federal and state government US$55 000 per year. |
Social indicators: reduced welfare dependency; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: networks and partnership; local solutions. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. Cost-benefit reported as positive (costs less than formal care plus flow on) but exact figures not available. |
Not available. |
Warm-Line telephone support |
Oakland, California (US). Information and brief counselling provided by phone, with other community-based support further developed. Six-month pilot. |
Grandparents caring for grandchildren. |
Federal and state government plus private sources. US$18 000 over six months. |
Social indicators: reduced welfare dependency; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: networks and partnership; local solutions. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. Cost-benefit ratio of 1 to 14 or greater. |
Not available. |
School-based health and social support |
Manhattan, New York (US) Case management of access to support services to assist grandparents in providing continuous care. On-going. |
Grandparents caring for grandchildren. |
Source not given. Estimated equivalent: $30 000 per year. |
Social indicators: reduced welfare dependency; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: networks and partnership; local solutions. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. Estimated cost-benefit ratio of 1 to 2.3 |
Not available. |
Grandparenting skills' education |
Tempe, Arizona (US) To assist grandparents to develop better skills in relating to grandchildren as an aspect of stronger community through intergenerational ties. 12-week programs. |
Grandparents of children in local school. |
Source not given. Estimated equivalent: $9 500 per program |
Social indicators: increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. No clear financial cost-benefit calculable. |
Not available. |
Grandparent volunteers in schools |
Tempe, Arizona (US) Coordination for involvement of grandparents as volunteers in local schools. Short-term. |
Seniors with grandchildren in local schools, where volunteers are needed as classroom assistants. |
Source not given. Estimated equivalent: $10 000 per year. |
Social indicators: increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. Insubstantial data on cost-benefits. |
Not available. |
Across Ages/ Linking Lifetimes |
Philadelphia, Penn (US) Case management of seniors as volunteer mentors for young people. On-going. |
Seniors acting as volunteer mentors to younger people in local community. |
Source not given. Estimated equivalent: $15 000 per year per program of 20 'links' supported. |
Social indicators: strengthened local economic capacity; reduced crime; better health outcomes; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships; community capacity to use best practice. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. Limited data on cost-benefits — anticipated future community gains in the flow-on effects of networking and social confidence of young adults. |
Not available. |
National Senior Service Corps —Foster Grandparents |
US —National. co-ordination of volunteer surrogate grandparents. On-going, long-term. |
Assisting families in need of general support by utilising the volunteer effort of seniors in the community. |
Federal and state, plus private. US$109 million per year. |
Social indicators: reduced welfare dependency; better health outcomes; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators:knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships; local solutions to local problems. |
Qualitative data (Freedman 1997); quantitative data (NSCC web site). Estimated cost-benefit ratio of 1 to 2.3 |
National Senior Service Corps website |
Neighbourhood 2000/ Downtown 2000 |
New York/Honolulu (US) School students and seniors sharing in community building programs. Short-term (c. 3 months). |
Seniors as advisers and a resource for school students in community building projects. |
Source not given. US$1 000 per project as incidental expenses. |
Social indicators: reduced crime; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships; local solutions to local problems; community capacity to use best practice. |
Qualitative data only. Cost-benefits can only be assumed from evidence of other studies in terms of reduced vandalism/ crime and future economic potential of positive community life. |
Not available. |
National Senior Service Corps—Senior Companions |
US—National. Coordination of volunteer personal care. On-going, long-term. |
Seniors providing general personal care for frail and disabled people in local community. |
Federal and state, plus private. US$51 million per year. |
Social indicators: reduced welfare dependency; better health outcomes; increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships; community capacity to use best practice. |
Qualitative data (Freedman 1997); quantitative data (NSCC web site). Estimated cost-benefit ratio of 20 per cent increase in effort. |
National Senior Service Corps web site. |
Environmental Alliance for Senior Involvement |
US—National. coordination of seniors as volunteers in environmental projects. On-going, long-term. |
Seniors providing skills and knowledge to community environmental projects. |
Federal and state, plus private. US$2.3 million per year. |
Social indicators: increased social capital. Strong communities' indicators: knowledge/ skills and volunteering; networks and partnerships; leadership in communities; local solutions to local problems; community capacity to use best practice. |
Qualitative and quantitative data reported. Unit costs, but limited cost-benefit information beyond that which can be assumed from community building. |
EASI website. |
1. Description of project aima and location. Pilot, one-off, or on-going. Project length.
2. By geographic location/region and/or community of interest.
3. Name of funding program/s or funding sources, total project costs (direct and indirect).
4. General effectiveness/outcomes as well as social indicators and stronger communities indicators.
5. Quantitative and/or qualitative evaluation. Availability of cost-benefit data